While many of our comrades may share our beliefs and opinions, we are not a unified group and we do not intend to speak for anyone but ourselves. With that out of the way:
Immigration Roger Daniels Immigration and immigration policy have been an integral part of the American polity since the early years of the American Republic.
Until late in the nineteenth century it had been the aim of American policy, and thus its diplomacy, to facilitate the entrance of free immigrants. From the s until World War II —an era of immigration restriction of increasing severity—the diplomacy of immigration was chiefly concerned with the consequences of keeping some people out and, afterwhen Congress made the diplomatic establishment partially responsible for immigration selection and its control, with keeping some prospective immigrants out.
Sinceafter only seemingly minor changes in policy during World War IIand partly due to the shift in American foreign policy from quasi-isolation to a quest for global leadership and hegemony, immigration policy has become less and less restrictive.
Cold War imperatives plus a growing tendency toward more egalitarian attitudes about ethnic and racial minorities contributed to a change in immigration policy.
Many foreigners clearly understood that there were certain ironies in these long-term changes. No one was more aware of this than the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. Article 2, Section 1. The only other reference to migration referred obliquely to the African slave trade, providing that "the Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight" Article 1, Section 9.
In Congress passed the first naturalization act, limiting those eligible to "free white persons. The question of the impressment of seamen was one of the issues that troubled Anglo-American relations fromwhen the first of many American protests against impressment was made, until the end of the War of Foreign Secretary George Canning put the British case nicely when he declared that when British seamen "are employed in the private service of foreigners, they enter into engagements inconsistent with the duty of subjects.
In such cases, the species of redress which the practice of all times has … sanctioned is that of taking those subjects at sea out of the service of such foreign individuals. After that the British recognized, in practice, the right of naturalization, but one of the ongoing tasks of American diplomatic officials has been trying to ensure that naturalized American citizens are recognized as such when they visit their former native lands.
This has been particularly a problem for men of military age during time of war.
While barring the African slave trade at the earliest possible moment inimmigration "policy" in the new nation universally welcomed free immigrants. As long as American immigration policy welcomed all free immigrants there were no policy issues for American diplomats to negotiate.
Immigration first became a special subject for diplomatic negotiation during the long run-up to the Chinese Exclusion Act of A few Chinese had come to the United States —chiefly to East Coast ports—in the late eighteenth century in connection with the China trade.
After American missionaries were established in China, some Chinese, mostly young men, came to the eastern United States for education without raising any stir.
But relatively large-scale Chinese immigration, mostly to California beginning with the gold rush ofproduced an anti-Chinese movement. Before this movement became a national concern, Secretary of State William H.Nativism is the political policy of promoting the interests of native inhabitants against those of immigrants.
However, this is currently more commonly described as an immigration restriction position. In scholarly studies nativism is a standard technical term.
The term is typically not accepted by those who hold this political view, however. There is, of course, a legitimate argument for some limitation upon immigration.
We no longer need settlers for virgin lands, and our economy is expanding more slowly than in the nineteenth and early twentieth century.
Evan Osnos goes on the Presidential campaign trail with Trump, whose immigration ideas have made him the top pick of the Tea Party and white nationalists. The immigration issue often highlights fissures between faithful parishioners and denominational clerics.
Many Catholic bishops have called for amnesty for illegal immigrants, and their conference’s lobbying arm works continually with open-borders special interests. The policy makers who crafted the Refugee Act never imagined that within a generation the U.S.
would be flooded with requests.
The Case for Reparations. Two hundred fifty years of slavery. Ninety years of Jim Crow. Sixty years of separate but equal. Thirty-five years of racist housing policy.